星期六, 4月 22, 2006

「暴力衝突」與「理性上街」從反世貿示威看香港的「遊行身體」想像

此為CRS 2014 "身體想像與再現文化" 的論文, 導師為彭麗君教授

「暴力衝突」與「理性上街」
從反世貿示威看香港的「遊行身體」想像


隨著最後一名韓農被法庭裁定因證據不足而獲撤銷控罪,香港的反世貿的運動可算是正式完結了。觀乎自去年年終開始引發的一連串事件,無論是世貿會議或者反世貿運動,都對首次主辦世貿部長級會議的香港帶來極大的衝擊和反思。除了第三世界的貧窮問題、比較優勢和貿易政策等經濟學和國際關係的討論之外,最值得深思,無疑是對「身體」的思索。從示威人士的肢體表演、警方與韓農的暴力衝突,到聲援被捕同胞的絕食抗議,「身體」都似乎擔當著重要的角色。事實上,在這個近年被稱為「示威之都」的城市空間之下,反世貿遊行人士的身體展演和踐行,不單止局限於作為反抗全球貿易霸權的工具,更同時引入一種國際性的遊行思維,幫助我們重新反思近年香港的示威邏輯和本土的遊行身體想像。

韓農的「暴力」肢體劇場

去年十二月,「世界貿易組織第六次部長級會議」在香港舉行。作為主辦城市,香港要預備的不單單是會議和場地的安排,更重要的是防範反世貿示威人士的保安工作。早於六月起,各大媒體得知反世貿人士即將到港的消息後,便開始紛紛報導他們過往在西雅圖和多哈等反世貿運動的「輝煌戰績」。「世貿總幹事:全球逾二千組織登記示威 八千激進韓農年底襲港?[1]、「直擊大本營韓農反世貿戰略曝光火攻會展玩自焚」[2]…等類似的新聞頭條到處可見。正如梁文道在一篇名為〈人家都要被燒死了,我們還在看戲〉的文章中所言,「…我們只關心世貿會議會不會變成一場香港電影式的街頭動作片,而它的高潮又會不會是一場自焚show。」[3]。從一開始,「香港人/外國人(韓農)=觀看者/表演者=和平理性/激進暴力」的一系列二元邏輯便已經稍稍地運作了,香港人是觀眾,遠道來港的示威者則以激進的身體作演出。

結果,在世貿會議舉行期間的整整一個星期之中,灣仔區變成了示威人士的國際舞台,從外國水兵的酒吧和本土的消費熱點,變成一個極具政治張力的地帶。在首數天,示威人士操控自己的身體,在街道上進行各式各樣的表演:跳海抗議、衝防線和奪走警方的盾牌等「火爆」場面、舉辦展覽和論壇,還有最為人熟悉的「三步一叩」。從維園到示威區,身體成了他們政治和道德的武器,表達他們集體的激情訴求,把軒尼斯道、馬師道和駱克道等大街變成一個深受全球關注的政治文化空間。劉細良把這些靈活多變、充滿動感的展現和「有限度的肢體衝突」,比喻為「群眾運動的劇場演出」。他指出,「『暴力示威』是製造最大混亂效果,以破壞社會秩序為主要目標」,「肢體衝突」則是「有明確訴求,希望將群眾的政治或政策訴求通過示威放在社會議程上,再通過傳媒報道,引發社會大眾參與討論」,不過「也要知道底線在哪?,包括不能用攻擊性武器嚴重傷害對方身體,不能破壞社會秩序,攻擊其他人士…」[4]

在反世貿遊行期間,12月17日的衝突無疑是最具震撼力的,因為這條「底線」在那一天被衝破,也是從「肢體衝突」過渡到「暴力示威」的分水嶺。之前,以韓國農民為首的遊行,都以相對平和的手法進行,當中「三步一叩」更使傳媒的作一百八十度的改變,例如《東方日報》在第二天便以〈長今精神,港人動容〉作頭條[5]。筆者記得當天的電視新聞節目訪問了數位市民,他們都認為這是外國人「入鄉隨俗」的表現,也就是說,外地激進的示威者也追隨了香港「和平」、「理性」的遊行文化;但是,這種氣氛在17日那天後徹頭徹尾地倒轉了。當日,示威人士在遊行到示威區的途中發難,推倒鐵馬,穿越了之前與警方一早商議好的遊行路線,在灣仔四處游移,企圖直闖世貿會議的場地-國際會議展覽中心。結果,灣仔區的商業活動幾乎完全停頓,交通陷於癱瘓。從電視畫面可見,示威人士以鐵枝作武器,又屢次以鐵馬衝擊防線,最後得警方出動裝甲車和催淚彈,才成功驅散示威人士,把他們包圍,作為當日的完結。第二天,《明報》製作了以〈世貿騷亂〉為題的特輯;[6]成報的頭條則為〈灣仔變戰場〉[7],而其他報章也紛紛以「灣仔淪陷」和「爆發巷戰」這些字眼作標題。這天之後,示威人士的身體衝出了那「有限度/底線」的「肢體劇場」,從「做show」的「演員」成了「暴民」,把「劇場」的空間急劇扭曲成「戰場」。

本土的遊行身體

數日前還令香港人感動的和平示威者,轉眼間變成漠視香港非暴力傳統的「暴民」,是因為示威者的表現已經超出了我們的「示威身體」的界線和「劇場的底線」。那一套「香港人/外國人(韓農)=觀看者/表演者=和平理性/激進暴力」的二元邏輯的形成,背後其實就是香港本土跟國際示威者對身體想像的差異。對自我身體形象的認知,成了我們對「暴力/理性」的論述的最重要一部份,也構成了我們如何判定韓農的動作是「理性」的還是「暴力」的。如果示威者的身體是符合我們認為理應如此的表現和秩序,那就是「理性」,否則就是「搞事」。多數有關世貿示威的評論,就是從這種論述出發,把我們傳統的示威邏輯硬套在外來的示威者之上,因此才會有「暴民襲港」或「港人動容」之類以香港為中心的頭條。 把這次國際性遊行,跟近年香港的遊行對比,我們便更突出本土身體和遊行論述的視限了。

有一條街道上擠滿了人,等待出發的群眾無奈地枯站在警方架起的警戒線後,烈日當空,其苦可想而知,但沒有人願意越雷池半步。終於,有一個男子穿過了繩索向警員的方向邁步,警方緊張起來急忙喝止。原來那個男子只是喝完了飲料,身邊又沒有垃圾桶,所以只好越過警察防線去路口的垃圾桶把空罐丟掉。[8]

這是張虹為紀錄2003年「七一大遊行」所拍的電影《七月》中最經典的一幕。梁文道認為,這一段表達了「香港人的典型形象」,也代表了「以機械地叫口號,列隊走路為主流的香港示威文化」[9]。遊行的本質是反對權力核心,所以激烈的衝突和擾亂秩序的行為屢見不鮮,部份有強大群眾支持的抗爭,更會採以最顛覆的手法。我們經常聽到法國工會動員工人和學生罷工罷課,藉此引發全國大混亂,以迫使政府讓步,最近巴黎的大學生抗爭新的勞工法就是很好的例子。但在香港,示威者的身體卻是跟隨著大論述(grand-narrative)所要求的「守法」、「理性」。正因如此,才會出現「為掉垃圾而越過封鎖線」的事情,也經常聽到市民對遊行造成的交通不便而抱怨,商店店主埋怨因此而損失了多少。事實上,自從「七一遊行」後,「和平」、「理性」、「尊重法治」和「不要過激」這些概念便一直支配著香港的遊行文化,也作為我們上街時身體活動的原則和規範。無論是議員、學者和市民,一被問及關於對遊行的看法,總會報以「這是香港人應有的權利,但不應該影響日常生活為大前提」這一類帶有「秩序情意結」意味的答案。所以,近年的七一遊行、元旦遊行,甚至最近2005年12月4日的「一二.四」10萬人上街,都是以「集體假日散步」的方式進行,從維園行到政府總部,再繞一個圈便算完成任務,希望把傷害減到最低。

這種「集體散步」的方式,大大削弱了身體的示威功能。正如劉細良所指,「群眾運動被淡化為一種生活方式,這表示群眾運動失去了應有的效果,被主辦遊行的人閹割了」[10]。每次遊行前夕,每當各界推測上街的人數時,引用的因素很多時都是「是否公眾假期」、「會不會落雨」、「當日家庭有沒有節目」這些跟反抗和建制本身毫無關連的因素。「好像大家除了Shopping、外遊、賭馬賭波之外,加多了一項叫遊行示威。」[11],遊行變成了一種消閒節目, 一種為了消費而作的身體運動,而非用身體作最後的抵抗姿態。
香港的遊行文化,把身體活動的可能性和創造性,限制在「步行」這個動作,使我們難以衝破既有的空間設計。傅柯(M. Foucault)對現代監獄的研究,使我們意識到,空間不是一個中立的場域。監獄、學校、醫院以至街道的設計,都是權力空間化的後果,也是知識和論述生產的結果,以規訓我們的身體[12]。但是,身體其實有其能動性,可以打破空間的規範,就正如巴赫汀(M. Bakhtin)所研究的中世紀狂歡節,人們在節慶中作各種怪誕的裝扮,顯示身體不是單以官方的標準或正統文化作為發展的依歸,而是以多元的身體展演作為武器和挑戰建制的象徵[13]。台灣社會學家黃金麟亦指出,空間和身體並不是處在一種單方向的決定狀態,身體的踐行與符號表演,可使空間產生戲劇性的轉變[14]。所以,雖然我們不能否認「七一大遊行」等數十萬人的群眾運動對改變政治局面有著重大的貢獻,但香港人對遊行示威的身體想像和規範,遵循既有空間的秩序,自我封閉在預先劃定的區域之中(也就是示威區和以藍色的封鎖線固定了的遊行路線),削弱了身體改變既有空間的威力。「身體」沒有突出的表演作用,它們被約化成「數字」,成了判斷一個遊行是否成功的惟一標準,它的政治性和顛覆性大大減少了,即使10萬人上街爭取普選,震撼力也未及三百名韓國農民的肢體表演。

打破身體的迷思?

明白了香港的遊行身體的形態,便不難明白為什麼韓農的形象會在二十四小時內從「入鄉隨俗」的外國人,遙身一變成製造混亂的「暴民」。外來的示威者,一心以自己的身體,盡量搏取國際傳媒的注意,他們沒有香港人那種對身體的本土規訓,「他們十分清楚在灣仔這臨時國際舞台上要完成的國際使命…國際舞台上演的自然是國際標準的示威和反示威」[15],他們根本無需「入鄉隨俗」,「三步一叩」只是見面禮。對他們來說,衝出警方劃定的範圍、衝擊會場和防暴警察是正常不過的事,以國際的示威尺度來說,根本說不上是「暴力」,極其量只能算是不守秩序、不守香港城市空間對遊行身體所作出的限制,他們眼中的「暴力」,很可能要到發生燒車、搶掠和縱火的程度;相反,在香港,遊行是一種自我圈限(self-enclosure)的群眾運動,甚至只能算是一種「集體散步」的假日消遣。為了要守法和保持「理性」,一點越軌的行為也不會出現。所以,兩種對身體的不同想像,引致了大家對「暴力」和「理性」的理解的誤差。

這次反世貿運動,使我們反思近年上街時所持的「理性」和「守法」。正如潘國靈所言,我們不禁要問,「怎麼我們的嘉年華那麼不同於人家的嘉年華,沒有論壇、展覽、交流等知性配套?怎麼我們的身體表達性是如此的低,我們不會隨鼓樂擺動身軀(有人從民族性解釋),我們超級「錫身」,遊行成了局部大腿的活動」[16]。外國示威者利用靈活的身體所展現的潛能與動力,為我們作出了一次國際性遊行的身體示範,讓我們作為參考,方便日後創造更多可能的策略。布爾迪厄(P. Bourdieu)曾說,「身體的儀態(hexis)是政治神話的實現與體現(em-bodied)」
[17],限制我們說話和走路的,只是被建構出來的迷思,是可以被改變過來的。


[1] 〈世貿總幹事:全球逾二千組織登記示威 八千激進韓農年底襲港〉,《星島日報》,2005年 6月 14日,A2版。
[2] 〈直擊大本營韓農反世貿戰略曝光火攻會展玩自焚〉,《東周刊》,2005年11月30日,A16版。
[3] 梁文道:〈人家快要被燒死了,我們還在看戲〉,《明報》,2005年11月30日,A10。
[4] 劉細良:〈群眾運動的邏輯-韓農肢體劇場〉,《明報》,2005年12月16日,A40。
[5] 〈長今精神,港人動容〉,《東方日報》,2005年12月16日,A01
[6] 〈世貿騷亂〉,《明報》,2005年12月18日,A01-A05。
[7] 〈灣仔變戰場〉,《成報》,2005年12月18日,A01。
[8] 梁文道:〈人家快要被燒死了,我們還在看戲〉,《明報》,2005年11月30日,A10。
[9] 同上。
[10] 劉細良:〈群眾運動的邏輯-韓農肢體劇場〉,《明報》,2005年12月16日,A40。
[11] 同上。
[12] Michel Foucault, Discipline and punish: the birth of the prison, translated by Alan Sheridan, NY, Pantheon, 1977.
[13] Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, translated by Helene Iswolsky, Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1984.
[14] 黃金麟:《歷史、身體、國家-近代中國的身體形成1895-1937》,235頁,台北,聯經,2001。
[15] 許寶強:〈從國際歷史視野,理解世貿暴力〉,《明報》,12月23日,A31。
[16] 潘國靈:〈世貿會議讓港人開了眼界〉,《香港商報》,12月27日,B04。
[17] Pierre Bourdieu, ‘Belief and the Body’, The Body – A Reader, edited and introduced by Mariam Fraser and Monica Greco, p.89, London, Routledge, 2005.

Reconsider the construction of OP

This is the mid-term paper of GPA 3200 "Reading Political PhilosophyII: John Rawls, guided by Mr. Chow Po Chung

Reconsider the construction of Original Position in A Theory of Justice


A Theory of Justice by John Rawls has been the most classical work in the field of contemporary political and moral philosophy. In this book, Rawls tries to build a system of normative ethics in which justice is placed as the first virtue of social institutions and the problem of justice can be settled through the social contract instead of a total utility maximizing utilitarianism. This leads to his two famous principles of justice: The Greatest Equal Liberty Principle and the Difference principle.

Rawls aims to construct a workable and systematic moral conception to oppose dominant utilitarianism and intuitionism by giving a more persuasive and comprehensive account of justice. Since there are too many complicated and morally irrelevant conditions like natural and social contingencies in the real world, he justifies his two principles by a hypothetical original position (OP). Everyone is allowed to experience this purely hypothetical experiment. And because the conditions of OP, in accordance with Rawls, is fair, weak and widely shared, any agreement derived from this initial status quo would be purely procedurally just. It is found that the individuals in OP would only choose Rawls’ theory of justice as fairness to be their ‘contract’. As a result, the hypothetical choice chosen is the representation of consent. Differs from traditional contract theories, the relevant agreement is not to enter a given society or to adopt a given form of government, but to accept certain moral principles. Thus he succeeded in bringing a more general and universal view of moral concepts in subverting the utilitarian palace.

In this paper, I attempt to reconsider the elements and features of OP, which is the most important concept in Rawls’ theory. Although he insists again and again that his design of the initial status is formed by commonly shared presumptions which enables fair bargains and a just rational choice to be carried out, I believe that there is a need to reexamine and question the reasonableness, neutrality and fairness of conditions of OP. My point of view is that, OP put forwarded by Rawls is strongly biased to a degree which even does not allow its rational individuals to choose fairly. To begin with, I start by giving a better picture of the components of OP.

John Rawls’ Original Position

In the book, OP is defined as ‘a status quo in which any agreements reached are fair, It is a state of affairs in which the parties are equally represented as moral persons and the outcome is not conditioned by arbitrary contingencies or the relative balance of social forces.’[1] To achieve this aim, he has created a highly specific and peculiar environment. In section 25 of A Theory of Justice, Rawls has given us a summary of the descriptions of his OP. However, I deem that it is not convenient for me to follow his arrangement to give elaboration in this short paper. Therefore, I adopt Shi Yuankang’s classification of the elements in OP for ease.[2]

According to Shi, we may divide the elements into subjective one and objective one. Subjective conditions are the depictions of the parties and individuals in making the contract; Objective conditions, on the other hand, describe those conditions other than subjective one.

For subjective conditions, we may analyze how the individuals involved look like in OP from the angle of motivation, knowledge and beliefs, and rationality. First, the contractors are mutually disinterested in motivation. They try to advance their system of ends as far as possible. The contractors attempt to win the highest index of primary goods which is the foundations of their conceptions of goods. They are not intrigued by other people’s interests. Use Rawls’ words, ‘they just strive for as high an absolute score as possible’[3]; second, the contractors are covered by a veil of ignorance in which most of the particular facts are not acknowledged. Situated behind the veil, the contractors do not have any idea of their place, social status, intelligence, strengthen and most importantly, their conception of the good. The only particular facts they know is the general facts about human society. They also know that their society is subject to the circumstances of justice and whatever this implies; third, individuals are rational and thereby willing to take effective means to ends with unified expectations and objective interpretation of probability.[4] Finally, they will not be envious of their counterparts in OP.

For the objective conditions, Rawls introduces Hume’s conditions of moderate scarcity. OP is a ‘circumstances of justice’ in which ‘persons put forward conflicting claims to the division of social advantages under conditions of moderate scarcity’[5] Resources are scarce to fulfill everyone’s absolute wants but enough for individuals to corporate in order to gain more advantages.[6]

Under this highly restricted hypothetical situation, according to Rawls’ argument, principles of justice for the basic structure would be chosen. The first principle concerns the distribution of liberty which ensures that each person has an equal right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with a like liberty for others; the second principle focuses on the distribution of social primary goods such as income, wealth and opportunities…etc. which is a necessary basis for further an individual’s particular conception of the good. Base on this principle, social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are (a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality and opportunity. And these principles have to be followed by the rule of priority of liberty and priority of justice over efficiency and welfare in lexical order. Violations of any of these principles and rules are to be seen as injustice. ‘They are the principles that free and rational persons concerned to further their own interest would accept in an initial position of equally as defining the fundamental terms of their association’[7]. Therefore, the principles are the rational unanimous choice of the parties which provide the individuals a basic condition to realize different further interests.

Here I have given a very short introduction of the essential features and characteristics of OP. In building up his fair initial status quo, John Rawls gives every element a clear reason to support. It is too complicated to discuss here in detail. In essence, his selection of elements aims to represent equality between human beings as moral persons and to make OP as simple, weak and fair as possible by ignoring those factors morally irrelevant from the standpoint of justice. As we know, preferences of individuals are so divergent that they would not voluntarily agree on a common set of principles, and there are many pre-situated conventions and moral principles in real life which affect our judgments in making choices. Since what Rawls wants to find out is the moral common ground of the contractors with the aim to create a fair base of bargaining, characteristics like veil of ignorance thus ensure that everyone is similarly situated and thereby no one is able to design or tailor a principle favor to his particular conception of the good.

Reconsider the biased assumption

Since the goal of this paper is to contemplate the ‘fair and widely shared’ assumptions of OP by Rawls, I shall not elucidate more about the procedure and factors of choosing the principles. In the following, I am going to point out that the presumptions of the initial status quo employed by Rawls are quite strong. It is biased for ensuring his principles to be the only singled choice by the parties.

Rawls holds the view that,

‘To justify a particular description of the initial situation one shows that it incorporate these commonly shared presumptions. One argues from widely accepted but weak premises to more specific conclusions. Each of the presumptions should be itself by natural and plausible; some of them may seem innocuous or even trivial…’[8]
Corresponding to these believes, the veil of ignorance obtains to ‘rule out those principles that it would be rational to propose for acceptance, however little the chance of success, only if one knew certain things that are irrelevant from the standpoint of justice.[9] Thus the veil provides a reasonable ground for preventing the parties’ cognitions of their social status, gender, class, race and natural endowments since they are morally irrelevant from the standpoint of justice and would create conflicts which make the matters more complex. But it is questionable for the OP’s deprivation of the knowledge of the parties’ particular conception of the good. First, it seems that one’s conception of the good is not morally irrelevant from the standpoint of justice. Since the restrictions imposed on the OP can only be justified in terms of the conceptions of the good.[10] There is no impartial neutrality in constructing the initial situation.

Second, as Thomas Nagel once argued, even if someone favor certain principles stemmed from his or her own conception of the good, that individual will not be seeking any special advantages in the process of bargaining since he does not know who he or she is in the OP.[11] If Rawls intends to make everyone similarly ‘situated’ only, mere deprivation of other knowledge and particular facts seem to be very enough. We cannot say that the OP is ‘fair’ and ‘objective’ by taking away the conception of the good. It is because ‘difference’ is the most important part in compromising any contract and agreement made among the parties. We cannot say it is ‘objective’ by simply depriving different conception of the good which is the core of an individual in making his or her decision. I will give more elucidation for this argument below. In fact, what John Rawls attempts to do is to ensure his egalitarian liberalistic principles to be the only rational choice by the parties in the OP. Thus the OP is not a neutral theory but a liberal and individualistic construction.

Apart from the specific deprivation of the conception of the good which results in a strong inclination to egalitarian liberalism[12], the general design of the veil of ignorance also helps in slapping down utilitarianism. David Lyons points out that ‘Rawls make the selection of principles easier by stipulating that the original position have certain additional features, which seem to restrict the applicability of the principles initially chosen and affect the comparison with utilitarianism.’[13] For instance, the contractors are allowed to know that they can benefit from social corporation and they need some ways of adjudicating claims upon social goods.[14] This, in accordance with Lyons, incurs the people to ignore some extreme cases in which questions justice can arise, and force us to overlook a utilitarian view of these cases.[15] R. M. Hare has also shared a brief view in Rawls’ soundless avoidance of utilitarianism by the ‘thick veil of ignorance’ in the OP. Rawls says that the parties discount likelihood arrived at solely on the basis of the principle of insufficient reason in which all possibilities are taken as equally probable in the absence of any information.[16] Because of the refusal of this principle and deprivation of the most particular facts, Rawls, Hare believes that, succeeded in preventing the parties from making predictions of their fare from the OP to the ordinary world, thus hindering their orientation to utilitarianism.[17]

I have questioned the ‘fair’ and ‘neutral’ conditions of the OP in the above paragraphs. I regard the initial status quo brought up by Rawls a strongly egalitarian liberalistic biased original position in which utilitarianism is on a very unfavorable stand. Yet this is not the end. We may go even further by pointing out that John Rawls actually does not give the parties a chance to make choice. The design of the OP guarantees the morality outcome to be Rawls’ principles and the parties involved are not the choice makers but a seer.
Rawls tells us that,

‘I do not claim for the principles of justice proposed that are necessary truths or derivable from such truths. A conception of justice cannot be deduced from self-evident premises or conditions on principles; instead, its justification is a matter of mutual support of many considerations, of everything fitting together into one coherent view’[18]

There are two things we have to bear in mind. First, the agreement made in the OP is a contract after rational bargain by the parties in a pure procedural just circumstance but not a self-evident conception. There are alternative principles proposed besides justice as fairness in the OP as an expository device. Words like ‘choice’, ‘contract’, ‘agreement’ and ‘bargain’ show the emphasis of plurality, agency and distinctiveness of individuals. The above quotation actually embodies these spirits of Rawls. And this is also the superiority of Rawls’ principles over utilitarianism since his main critique on the latter is its ‘extension of the principle of choice for one man’[19]. However, as what Michael Sandel contends, bargaining in any sense requires some differences in the interests or preferences or power or knowledge of the bargainers, but in the original position, there are none.[20] Everyone is behind the veil of ignorance and whether they have any agency and freedom can be doubted. As a result, any agreement produced is guaranteed to be fair, not because the situation is purely procedural just but because the stipulation of OP has guaranteed a particular and predictable unanimous moral outcome. This is the reason why Sandel has once indicated that the contract in the OP is not an agreement with a person with respect to a proposition but an agreement to a proposition only.[21] The interpretation of the OP is not a voluntary one but a cognitive one. ‘The secret to the original position – and the key to its justificatory force – lies not in what they do there but rather in what they apprehend there. What matters is not what they choose but what they see…’[22]

Conclusion

In this paper, I have questioned the neutrality and fairness of Rawls’ OP which is the foundation of his theory of justice. I deem that it is not, as Rawls believed that, widely shared, weak and commonly agreed but greatly prejudiced for ensuring his wanted moral product to be derived. Alternatives like utilitarianism do not compete with Rawls’ justice as fairness on the same line but on an inferior position. We may even question whether the space for making choices and contracts exists or not.

With the above weaknesses I have mentioned, no matter what, it can not be questioned that John Rawls’ A Theory of Justice is the most influential and classical work in the history of political and moral philosophy. I do think that Nagel’s comment on this book is a good ending of this paper.

‘The outlook expressed by this book is not characteristics of its age, for its neither pessimistic nor alienated nor angry nor utopian. Instead it conveys something that today may seem incredible: a hopeful affirmation of human possibilities.’[23]

[1] John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Harvard, 1999), p. 104.
[2] 石元康, 《羅爾斯》(廣西師範, 2004), p. 72.
[3] John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Harvard, 1999), p. 125.
[4] Ibid, p. 127.
[5] John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Harvard, 1999), p.110.
[6] The ‘circumstance of justice’ is the normal condition under which human corporation is both possible and necessary. See Ibid, p. 109.
[7] Ibid, p.10.
[8] Ibid, p.16.
[9] Ibid, p.17.
[10] Thomas Nagel, ‘Rawls on Justice’, The Philosophical Review, Vol. 82, No.2. (Apr., 1973), p.227.
[11] Ibid, p.226.
[12] Ibid, p.222.
[13] See David Lyons, ‘Rawls versus Utilitarianism’, Chandran Kukathas ed. Rawls (Routledge, 2003), p.283. The aim of his article is to reveal that the unfair comparison of principle of justice and utilitarianism results in no significantly different practical implication outside the OP. Since I simply choose Lyon’s analysis of the OP’s stipulation, the words ‘seem to restrict the applicability of the principle initially chosen…’ can be neglected here.
[14] John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Harvard, 1999), Pp. 109-112.
[15] David Lyons, ‘Rawls versus Utilitarianism’, Chandran Kukathas ed. Rawls (Routledge, 2003), p.283.
[16] John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Harvard, 1999), p.146.
[17] R. M. Hare, ‘Rawls’ Theory of Justice - II’, The Philosophical Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 92. (Jul., 1973), p.246.
[18] John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Harvard, 1999), p.19.
[19] Ibid, p.21.
[20] Michael Sandel, Liberalism and the limits of Justice (Cambridge, 1998), p.129.
[21] Ibid, p.130.
[22] Ibid, p.130-132.
[23] Thomas Nagel, ‘Rawls on Justice’, The Philosophical Review, Vol. 82, No.2. (Apr., 1973), p.234.

星期六, 4月 01, 2006

結他聲
Emmylou Harris的A love that will never grow

終於看了 “斷背山”, 我也來湊兩句咀

用某位朋友的xanga的語言, 我可算是 “不知不覺的流下淚了”

這次沒有帶上文化理論的眼鏡看這部電影. 或者, 不知道, 可能是這套電影的魔力已經把眼鏡溶掉了. 聽說網上有許多文本分析, 意義解讀, 我實在不想以什麼男姓 / 白人 / 西方 / 中產中心主義去看它. 對我來說, 它的意義遠超過這些. 其實, 那座斷背山, 雖說是人人也有, 卻不是人人也feel到, 特別在香港這個娛樂社會. 一套電影, 在一個如此保守的社會背景下, 一個如此磨人的愛情悲劇, 一個沉重得不能再沉重的故事, 竟然還可以引起戲院觀眾的笑聲 (可能因為這不是BC), 還有雜誌報紙的 “斷背前, 斷背後”, 不知道究竟還有什麼人生故事可以在香港不被視為entertainment. (其實我不應surprise, 香港人連韓農也可當作花邊來看, 怎會認真去看這套電影)

我覺得, 要明白這套電影呈現那種社會現實的壓力, 重新發掘那在心中一直潛藏已久斷背山, 用不著一定有一些不容社會允許的經驗. 只要本身曾經歷人生虛無的感覺, 曾對浮華的娛樂式現實有感到厭惡, 也會明白那heavy的感覺. 當然, 這只是我個人as一個二十二歲的年青人我的個人觀感而已.

Body

在牛棚劇場看了梵谷的 “世界末日的倒數”

Body Politics說, 我們的思想規劃了我們身體的活動範圍和表演模式; 後在梵谷的戲劇導賞中, 聽到另一個version, 身體的姿勢是如何形構作家的思想. 原來一個屈著腰創作的人, 會寫一個老人的文字 (這是他的說法, 我試過但不能成功)

第一次看這類型的劇, 感覺新鮮但沉悶, 中途睡了數分鐘. 我看不懂演員的肢體語言. 幸好聽了導賞, 否則完全不明作家的意圖 (現在估到三成左右).

文字是有生命的, 這是我一直聽了很久但不能深信的. 梵谷說, 當我們看回自己的舊作, 會發覺文字是如此陌生, 彷彿是另一個人寫似的, 就似是看他/她人的作品.

於是, 我終於信了 / 被說服了

這一刻寫的文字, 除了最後呈現在讀者面前那些, 還有曾經被我們delete了又復原了又delete的 “文字”, 這是作者本身混亂思緒的其中一部份, 但最後被隱藏 / 刪去. 呈現的文字, 隱藏的 “文字”, 都是這一刻的 “我” 所寫的

現在, 我看回那些一年級的功課, 心想 “咁既野都寫得出?!” 那是因為, 我已經忘記了文字背後那些 “文字”. 呈現的文字是永恆的, 隱藏的文字的轉眼即逝, 永不能重新發掘.

跟上面的東西無關, 做功課時看到Thomas Nagel對Theory of Justice的其中一句評語 “The outlook expressed by this book is not characteristic of its age, for it is neither pessimistic nor alienated nor angry nor sentimental nor utopian. Instead it conveys something today may seem incredible: a hopeful affirmation of human possibilities.

上了數個星期課, 其實我也有同樣的感覺.